Showing posts with label virtual banking. Show all posts
Showing posts with label virtual banking. Show all posts

How Cryptocurrencies Could Upend Banks' Monetary Role

By Jon Matonis
American Banker
Friday, March 15, 2013

http://www.americanbanker.com/bankthink/how-cryptocurrencies-could-upend-banks-monetary-role-1057597-1.html

Peter Šurda
I recently had a fascinating chat with the economist Peter Šurda to discuss how nonpolitical cryptocurrencies like bitcoin could alter the future of fractional reserve banking.

Peter is also a software developer experienced in the online payments industry and will present at the Bitcoin 2013: The Future of Payments conference in San Jose in May. His 2012 master's thesis at Vienna University of Economics and Business was entitled Economics of Bitcoin: Is Bitcoin an Alternative to Fiat Currencies and Gold? He's an abstract thinker, but the implications of his work are tantalizing: that digital money like Bitcoin opens up possibilities for banking without central planners or a lender of last resort, where interest rates and reserve requirements are driven purely by the market.

The debate between the full reserve bankers and the fractional reserve bankers is an old one and it has been explored in depth by the Austrian school of economics. More recently, the debate has been broadened to include the dynamics of introducing the bitcoin cryptocurrency, which is the functional equivalent of digital gold, since its supply is predictable and fixed. (There are currently 10.9 million bitcoins in circulation with a total fixed supply of 21 million expected to be mined before 2140, 99% of them by the year 2032.) The Austrian school economist Michael Suede and the technologist Eli Gothill have speculated that fractional reserve banking can indeed appear within a bitcoin monetary environment. This is where we join up with Peter.

JON MATONIS: I enjoyed your blog post, "Market Forces and Fractional Reserve Banking." Do you consider fractional reserve banking to be compatible with Austrian economics?

PETER ŠURDA: First of all, I would like to separate fractional reserve banking and credit expansion. On one hand, there are ways of increasing the money supply, in the broader sense, which do not require fractional reserve banking or changes in the monetary base such as a system based on the principle of mutual credit like LETS [local exchange trading systems], or a fiat currency that uses bitcoin as reserves (i.e. they are not claims in the sense that Ludwig von Mises uses them, but they act as full substitutes). From the opposite direction, fractional reserve banking does not necessarily lead to credit expansion.

I agree with the full reservists that credit expansion has the effects described by the Austrian Business Cycle Theory. However, I agree with the free bankers that fractional reserve banking is not necessarily a violation of property rights and other ways of increasing the money supply also are not necessarily a violation of property rights.

So I think that the economic and legal analysis are two separate issues and need to be addressed separately. I avoided the legal analysis in my thesis and concentrated on Austrian Business Cycle Theory and policy issues, but in an earlier draft I have several pages about legal aspects too, and I discussed the topic with [the legal theorist] Stephan Kinsella.

JON MATONIS: How does a nonpolitical cryptocurrency like bitcoin alter the landscape in the "full reserve" versus "fractional reserve" banking debate?

PETER ŠURDA: Austrians have made arguments in the past that lead to the conclusion that fractional reserve banking does not necessarily lead to credit expansion, even though they never explicitly formulated it this way and might not have realized the connection. The reason is that if credit instruments do not decrease transaction costs over the monetary base, they are unlikely to act as a part of the money supply. Bitcoin shows that this is not only a hypothetical but empirically possible to implement. With Bitcoin, it is much less likely that credit expansion will occur.

In other words, we need to separate two things. Why do people want to hold fractional reserve banking instruments, which may include the interest payments as one of the reasons, and why do people want to use fractional reserve banking instruments as a medium of exchange which, I argue, requires that the fractional reserve banking instruments decrease transaction costs. That they historically manifested themselves through a common instrument is an empirical quirk and not an economic rule. The ability to loan money is beneficial. Contrary to many Austrians, I agree that maturity transformation can be beneficial, and if the loan ends up being a liquid instrument, it also can be beneficial. But if it is so liquid that it becomes a part of the money supply, that's when it has a detrimental effect on the economy.

For full reservists, Bitcoin shows that the question of fractional reserve banking is less important than they thought. Fractional reservists, on the other hand, need to think about the nature of the mechanisms equilibrating the money supply. I tried to explain the issue to [the economists] George Selgin and David Glasner in comments on their websites, but I wasn't successful in getting my point through.

JON MATONIS: If bitcoin is digital gold, does that portend a future where a bitcoin standard (akin to the gold standard) can emerge or partial bitcoin backing for other currencies?

PETER ŠURDA: They probably can emerge, but the more important question is whether they would be preferred to bitcoin. Only something that provides a significant improvement would be preferred. I only know two potential candidates for that: Ripple and OpenTransactions.

JON MATONIS: In a bitcoin world, is fractional reserve banking only possible with offline substitutes (such as physical coins or cards, which can be traded hand-to-hand, containing the private key to a bitcoin address) or an intentional "fork" in the block chain ledger?

PETER ŠURDA: Hypothetically, the reserves can be offline and the substitute can be a clearing system like Ripple, so there are other possibilities too. But if I understand your point correctly, offline "substitutes" might have a higher chance of actually becoming full substitutes because they might have more obvious advantages.

JON MATONIS: As the recent block chain fork episode demonstrates, there is a need for offline bitcoin transactions to continue. Is this demand sufficient for a money substitute to evolve, such as offline substitutes with full or partial bitcoin backing?

PETER ŠURDA: This is primarily an empirical question, so we can't be completely sure about that. I think the probability for this is significantly lower than with the currencies that we've known historically. The end result is also path-dependent; for instance, it depends on how quickly bitcoin matures and/or adapts to changes compared to the potential substitute.

Fractional reserve banking does not come into existence magically. It must follow economic rules. With gold and similar commodities, fractional reserve banking comes into existence for these reasons: On the demand side, there is a demand for money substitutes, because they provide something that money proper does not; and on the supply side, money substitutes carry maintenance costs for the issuer (e.g. storage of gold) and these need to be offset somehow. The issuer can charge on holding (e.g. demurrage of bank notes), transacting (e.g. check clearing), or, obviously, externalize the costs through fractional reserves. From the point of view of an individual user, fractional reserve banking appears to be the least costly alternative. So obviously fractional reserve banking wins.

Putting it together: If there is a general demand for money substitutes, this leads to fractional reserve banking. Unless it's illegal. Then it might not. Solution: Have money which does not lead to the creation of money substitutes. Bitcoin shows that at least hypothetically, this is possible. I might even go a bit further and make this statement: If on a free market money substitutes do not develop even though there is no legal or technical obstacle for them, it means that the choice of money is Pareto-optimal since no change in the monetary system leads to an increase in utility.

JON MATONIS: Does a demand for positive return on bitcoin balances lead to an environment of competitive bank lending with risk-adjusted interest rates? And will this lead to an environment of fractional reserve banking with depositors offered higher interest rates in exchange for the additional risk premium of running a fractional portfolio?

PETER ŠURDA: Yes, I would say it does, but until there are industry niches that primarily use bitcoin, it is probably not much different from gambling.

This might lead to negotiable credit instruments with maturity-mismatching or maturity transformation, depending on which economic school you use for terminology. However, I don't think this feature alone is sufficient for these instruments to be accepted as full substitutes whereas George Selgin appears to think it is. Now, whether to call such a situation "fractional reserve banking" even though no credit expansion occurs is unclear. I lean towards yes, but there could be other interpretations.

JON MATONIS: How do you see bitcoin changing interest rate structures and lending practices?

PETER ŠURDA: Using Bitcoin for loans only makes sense for those businesses that use bitcoin as a unit of account, unless, of course, you're just speculating on the market but don't actually sell any goods or services. I think this will only occur at much higher levels of liquidity or until we can be quite sure that it deserves the label "money." Until these higher levels of liquidity are reached, the price of bitcoin will probably be quite volatile, which reduces the likelihood that people use it as a unit of account.

However, there could be niche market segments that use bitcoin as a primary medium of exchange and [bitcoin] mining is the most obvious candidate. For these, the unit of account function would make sense even if the global market penetration is lower.

Assuming one of these thresholds is crossed and the money supply remains inelastic (i.e. no significant credit expansion), the interest rate of bitcoin should be a good reflection of the time preference of those market participants that use it as a unit of account. Bitcoin also makes it much easier for lending to occur in a decentralized manner, I think. Rather than a small number of "too big to fail" institutions, we should see smaller specialized teams that act as facilitators without owning the liabilities or being liable themselves.

JON MATONIS: Can a free market fractional reserve system (as opposed to a central banking fractional reserve system) coexist with full reserve banking? Or will one drive out the other?

PETER ŠURDA: I think that if money substitutes emerge, fractional reserve banking will out-compete 100% reserve banking in the market. I deal with this a bit in an earlier draft of the thesis. If they don't emerge, on the other hand, we'll have a money supply equivalent to the monetary base and debt will not cause changes in the money supply. It would be viewed as merely highly liquid credit. I don't think they can coexist for a long time assuming the same underlying money in the narrower sense, of course.

Bitcoin: Financial Deepening and Currency Internationalization

By JP Koning
Moneyness
Thursday, February 21, 2013

http://jpkoning.blogspot.com/2013/02/financial-deepening-and-currency.html

Much of the conversation about bitcoin adoption focuses on its use in goods and services transactions. Breaking bitcoin news, for instance, draws attention to the fact that the Internet Archive will be giving employees the option to be paid in bitcoin. This focus on brick & mortar transactions means that the role that bitcoin financial instruments—stocks, bonds, and derivatives—have to play in promoting bitcoin adoption often gets overshadowed.

I'm currently reading Barry Eichengreen's Exorbitant Privilege which goes into the mechanics of what it takes to create a truly international currency. Eichengreen points out that prior to World War I the dollar played a negligible role relative to the pound sterling in world markets, but by the mid 1920s it was the dominant unit for invoicing payments and denominating bonds. Eichengreen's theory is that the US dollar became the world's go-to currency because of the emergence of a very specific financial instrument—the banker's acceptance.

An acceptance is much like a bill of exchange, a financial instrument I explained in my last post. Say a merchant decides to pay for a shipment of goods with a personal IOU, or bill. If a bank first "accepts" the bill i.e. if it agrees to vouch for the IOU, then this gives the bill more credibility. It is now a banker's acceptance.

According to Eichengreen, around 1908 or 1909, a concerted effort to foster the growth of the US acceptance market began. Up till then, US banks had been prohibited from dealing in acceptances and branching abroad—both these limitations would be removed by new legislation. To promote liquidity and backstop the acceptance market, the Federal Reserve, established in 1914, was given authority to buy and sell acceptances via open market operations. Furthermore, these acceptances could legally "back", or collateralize, the Fed's note issue. This feature was particularly helpful. Although the Fed was also legally permitted to purchase government securities, government securities could not "back" the note issue. Acceptances, therefore, became the more flexible and preferred asset for Fed open market operations, at least until 1932 when the limitations on government collateral were removed. According to Eichengreen, the Fed was the largest investor in the acceptance market and sometimes held the majority of outstanding issues on its balance sheet.

By the mid-1920s foreign acceptances denominated in dollars exceeded those denominated in sterling by a factor of 2:1 and more central banks held US forex reserves than sterling. London was on the way out, and New York on the way in. By 1929, the amount of outstanding foreign public bonds denominated in dollars (excluding the Commonwealth) exceeded sterling bonds. The lesson here is that a key step in the sequence of internationalizing a currency is getting it to be used in financial markets. This involves the development of deep, liquid, and accessible markets in securities denominated in that currency.

What sort of financial deepening do we see in the bitcoin universe, and how might we compare it to the dollar's emergence in the 1910s and 20s?

There are a number of healthy signs of financial deepening. I count five competing bitcoin securities exchanges that provide a forum for trading bitcoin-denominated stocks and bonds. These include Cryptostocks, BTCT, MPEx, Havelock, and Picostocks. A sixth, LTC-Global, provides a market in litecoin securities, a competing altchain. Holders of bitcoin needn't cash out of the bitcoin universe in order to get a better return. Instead, they can buy a bond or a stock listed on any of these exchanges.

The largest publicly-traded company in the bitcoin universe is SatoshiDice, a bitcoin gambling website listed on MPEx. With 100 million shares outstanding and a price of 0.006 BTC, SatoshiDice's market cap is ~600,000 BTC which comes out to around $17 million. SatoshiDice IPOed last year at 0.0032 BTC. With bitcoin only trading at $12 back then (it is now worth $29), the entire company would have been worth $4 million. Given today's $17 million valuation, SatoshiDice shareholders have seen a nice return over a short amount of time—much of it provided by bitcoin appreciation.

While SatoshiDice certainly provides some depth to bitcoin financial markets it has the potential to shallow them out too. Because MPEx charges large fees to trade on its exchange, a few of the competing exchanges have created what are called SatoshiDice "passthroughs". Much like an ETF, a passthrough holds an underlying asset—in this case SatoshiDice shares on MPEx—and flows through all dividends earned to passthrough owners. As a result, investors can get exposure to SatoshiDice without having to pay MPEx's expensive fees. BTCT, for instance, lists two different SatoshiDice passthroughs (GSDPT and S.DICE-PT) which together account for more trading volume than all other stocks and bonds listed on BTCT.

SatoshiDice's sheer size is to some extent problematic since Bitcoin financial markets are not as deep as they might appear. Should something ever happen to SatoshiDice, a big part of the bitcoin financial universe's liquidity will be wiped out, and this would ripple out across the entire field of bitcoin securities. The same might have happened to banker's acceptances in their day, except for one difference—the Fed was willing to back the acceptance market up. In the bitcoin universe, there's no buyer of of last resort to provide liquidity support to SatoshiDice shareholders.

Another impediment to deeper bitcoin markets is the hazy legality of the bitcoin securities exchanges. The first major bitcoin securities exchange, GLBSE, was closed in October 2012 with no prior warning. According to this article, potential regulatory and tax liabilities convinced GLBSE's founder to shut it down on his own behest. If any of the existing bitcoin exchanges were to grow too noticeable, one could imagine the SEC (or its equivalent) knocking on their door and forcing the exchange-owner to pull the plug. This sort of regulatory uncertainty can only dampen the liquidity and depth of bitcoin financial markets.

US authorities, on the other hand, didn't need to heed the rules when they built the banker's acceptance market. They created the rules. If financial deepening in the Bitcoin universe is to proceed it will happen despite regulations and not because of them.

The last headwind to bitcoin financial deepening is bitcoin's volatility. Eichengreen writes that the seesawing of the pound sterling during the war period encouraged financial markets to search for a more stable unit in which to express debts. The pound had always been anchored to gold (or silver), but it was unpegged from its century's long gold tether when the war broke out. Although it was repegged in January 1916, this time to the dollar, this did not secure confidence in the sterling's value since the peg was dependent on American support. When this support was withdrawn at war's end, sterling fell by a third within a year. Through all of this, the dollar continued to be defined in terms of gold, a feature which no doubt attracted issuers.

Bitcoin, on the other hand, has more than doubled in just two months. Back in June 2011, it fell by 50% in just two days. Like pound sterling during the war, bitcoin's lack of stability will do little to promote deeper financial markets.

Although I've stressed the difficulties that bitcoin markets face in developing more depth, the sheer amount of financial innovation I'm seeing from those involved in the various bitcoin securities exchanges is impressive. I wish them the best. The more they build up bitcoin securities markets, the better an alternative bitcoin presents to competing currency units.

[Disclaimer: I am long SatoshiDice and several bitcoin mining stocks.]

Reprinted with permission. 
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